The gathering storm of the much-hyped #EndBadGovernance, eventually escalated into a nationwide protest where lives were lost in some Northern States, including Kano, Kaduna, Katsina and the FCT. The 10 ‘Days of Rage’ as envisioned by the organisers came to an end on Saturday, August 10, leaving many asking whether the protest actually achieved any purpose, and whether President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s nationwide broadcast addressed any of the grievances laid out by the Protesters. In this Discourse,Dr Dakuku Peterside; Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN; Inibehe EffiongandDr Ayodele Akeronyedissect the issues in the protest, its causes and effects, to determine whether the protest which caused the nation so many man hours, at a time when the country’s economy is shaky, achieved its objectives, also making suggestions on how to deliver better governance, going forward
#EndBadGovernance Protest: What Next?
Dakuku Peterside
Global Summer of Discontent
The proteststhat swept across Nigeria in the summer of 2024, whether you choose to call them “Days of Rage”, “Hunger Protest”, or the “#EndBadGovernance Movement,” formallyended on Saturday, August 10, 2024. The final three days of the demonstrations were sombre, dedicated to mourning and honouring the brave souls who lost their lives in the struggle. As the nation begins to reflect on these events, three critical questions come to the forefront: Did these protests achieve their intended objectives? What tangible gains, if any, were secured? And, crucially, what comes next? These questions demand thorough examination, and will undoubtedly be dissected in the days to come. If this movement can catalyse a shift in the trajectory of Nigerian politics, it may well be remembered as a watershed moment in our history.
Nigeria’s participation in what many are now calling the global “summer of discontent”, is not an isolated phenomenon. Across the world, democracies have been grappling with waves of protests, each characterised by unique local grievances, but all sharing a common thread: a deep dissatisfaction with the status quo. From the streets of London to Dhaka, Nairobi to Caracas, and from European capitals to cities in Zimbabwe, South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Senegal, and Burundi, citizens have risen to demand change. These movements, though varied in their specifics, share a collective yearning for better governance and an end to systemic inequities. Yet, while these global protests resonate with a shared call for justice, Nigeria’s situation is distinct, shaped by its own set of economic challenges and political dynamics.
The #EndBadGovernance Protest: Triggers
The #EndBadGovernance protest in Nigeria was not triggered by a single event, but rather, by a complex interplay of factors, chief among them the public’s growing frustration with the Government’s handling of both the economy and national security. This toxic combination of economic mismanagement and pervasive insecurity, has led to unprecedented levels of hunger, anger, and poverty across the nation. The immediate catalysts for the protest was the removal of fuel subsidies and the sudden decision to float the Naira – two policies whose poor execution only exacerbated the nation’s already dire economic situation. These policies, rather than providing relief, plunged the country into deeper economic turmoil, igniting a wave of discontent that had been simmering for years. Now that the days of rage have ended, it is imperative to reflect on the journey, to assess the outcomes, and to consider the road ahead.
Were the Goals Achieved?
In the aftermath of the protests, it is natural to question whether they achieved their goals. The Government, as reflected in the President’s recent address, did not concede to any of the protesters’ demands, demands that were largely driven by a youthful and increasingly disillusioned populace. A superficial analysis might suggest that the protests failed, but such a conclusion would not only be premature, but also misleading. The focus of on hunger and the restoration of fuel subsidies as key issues were not an end, but rather a means to an end. From this perspective, the protests were indeed, a significant success, though perhaps, not in the most obvious ways.
It is important to recognise that many young Nigerians understand the necessity of removing fuel subsidies, as part of a broader strategy to revive an economy that has long been on life support. However, they also acknowledge the profound failures in the Government’s design and implementation of this policy – failures that have led to severe economic dislocation, affecting both the rich and the poor. The protests, therefore, were not simply about reversing a single policy, but about highlighting the broader inefficiencies that have characterised the current administration’s approach to governance.
The #EndBadGovernance protests succeeded in doing what few movements in recent memory have: they shone a glaring spotlight on the deep and pervasive discontent, with the current administration’s handling of the economy and governance more broadly. The protests delivered a clear and unequivocal message: the issues of corruption, the need for governance reform, and the demand for higher-quality leadership can no longer be ignored. The Government’s ineffectiveness in engaging with young people and the broader citizenry was laid bare for all to see, highlighting a significant disconnect between the rulers and the ruled. This disconnect is not new, but the protests brought it into sharp relief, galvanising public opinion against poor governance and demanding greater accountability from those in power.
For the government, these protests have also exposed the stark socioeconomic disparities and regional dynamics between the North and South of Nigeria. The protests highlighted the fact that the challenges facing the country are not uniform; they varysignificantly from one region to another. While the South has seen relatively more economic development, the North remains mired in poverty, underdevelopment, and insecurity. This disparity is a ticking time bomb, and if left unaddressed, it could lead to even greater unrest in the future. I remain hopeful, however, that the Government will seize this opportunity to address these deep-seated issues, particularly in the North, where the demographic challenges pose a significant threat to national stability.
Going Forward
As we look to the future, this administration must embrace a new approach to governance – one that goes beyond mere protest management and instead seeks to engage citizens, particularly the youth, in meaningful dialogue and policymaking. Youth participation in governance is not just a desirable goal; it is an essential component of any strategy aimed at ensuring accountability and driving reform. The Government must also take decisive actions to reduce the cost of governance and replace its reactive, knee-jerk approach to policymaking with a more thoughtful, inclusive, and consultative process, particularly when it comes to major economic policies.
One of the most important lessons to emerge from the protests, is the need for political leaders in countries like Nigeria, which are pursuing growth and development, to strike a delicate balance between the prescriptions of international financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, and the welfare of their citizens. While these institutions often provide necessary financial support and guidance, their recommendations can sometimes be at odds with the immediate needs and realities of the local population. Governments have a duty to prioritise the well-being of their citizens above all else, even when this means pushing back against external pressures. It is time for our leaders to demonstrate that they value us, the citizens, above all else, and to take meaningful steps to ensure that our voices are heard, and our needs are met.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the #EndBadGovernance protest of 2024 have left an indelible mark on the Nigerian political landscape. The protest has set the stage for a new era of political engagement, one in which the voices of the people must be heard and respected.
Dr Dakuku Peterside
Beyond the Protest
Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN
Background
Against all odds, the organisers of the #EndBadGovernance protests made good their threat on August 1, 2024, when they trooped out with other Nigerians to protest against hunger, hardship and the suffocating economic policies of the administration of President Bola Tinubu. All over Nigeria from Lagos to Abuja, Kano, Port-Harcourt, Benin, Aba and Abeokuta, they spoke with one voice to the Government, that people are hungry and they are suffering. The prelude to the protest was that, a declaration was made for the commencement of protest on August 1.
The response of the Government to the protest was the predictable blackmail, threats and attempts to suppress the campaigns. The security agencies became confused, and began to speak with different voices. Whilst the Police claimed that the organisers were faceless and unknown, the Department of State Security stated that they were known agents of foreign mercenaries trying to destabilise the nation.
Most Nigerians agreed with and supported the protest, except as to the duration and the modalities. Fears were expressed in many quarters that there has never been any peaceful protest in Nigeria, properly so-called. It is either the protest is hijacked by hoodlums, or disrupted by hired thugs. They then referred to the #EndSARS experience of 2020, when lives were lost and property destroyed beyond contemplation. But, of course, this was only a smear campaign to discourage the protest, when it was realised that President Tinubu as leader of the opposition in 2012 supported and encouraged the Occupy Nigeria protests against fuel subsidy removal. It was peaceful and well coordinated.
Take it Back Movement’s Involvement & Planning the Protest
On Friday July 26, 2024, one of the leaders of the Take It Back Movement, Comrade Omoyele Sowore, reached out to me to facilitate Police coverage for the protest. I asked about the locus of the organisation, and he furnished me with a document showing that it was duly registered by the Corporate Affairs Commission on 20th June, 2019, although the legal consequence of that is another matter entirely. With that, I was more comfortable to lend support to the protests. Also, I had in mind the October 2020 experience and wanted us to avoid a situation where the Police claimed that organisers are faceless and unrecognised, which may lead to violent confrontations and then bloodshed. So, I wrote to the Police and DSS to provide coverage for the protests, relying on Section 83(4) of the Police Establishment Act of 2020. I made sure I shared drafts of my letters with Comrade Sowore, for his input and approval. The Police responded by confirming that two Deputy Inspectors-General of Police, all Assistant Inspectors-General of Police in all the zones and all Commissioners of Police in all the States, had been designated to offer protection for the protests. They demanded details of the protest venues, and also requested for a meeting to discuss the modalities.
Given my background, my services were rendered pro bono and without any condition to the protest. With the response from the Police, my task was half done. So, I reached out to Comrade Sowore, and we both agreed to furnish lists of some of the venues for the protest. This, to me, was the way to go, at least, to ensure that the protest was peaceful and well coordinated. I did a letter to the Police wherein, I stated Some of the venues of the proposed protest. I then took time to consult with other known Comrades, the Nigerian Bar Association and some Civil Society Organisations. This was meant to coordinate the process, and guard against confrontations between the Protesters and the security and law enforcement agencies.
I received a WhatsApp message from Damilola Adenola, introducing himself as the representative of Comrade Sowore who would accompany me to the meeting with the Police. Upon further consultation with other Comrades, we thought it best to have a virtual meeting with the Police, in order to have wider participation and cut costs of travelling from Lagos to Abuja for everyone. Comrade Sowore then forwarded to me the names of representatives of the Take It Back Movement to attend the meeting, which eventually held on July 30, 2024. At the meeting, we made it clear to the Police that it would be a peaceful outing, if the Police is able to nip in the bud the emerging trend of hired thugs who were going around the cities, especially Lagos, to threaten citizens from exercising their fundamental rights.
With the meeting, it became clear to the Police (or so it seemed at the time), that the organisers of the protest were not miscreants and unknown persons and entities. This should help to douse the fears being expressed in certain quarters, that the protest was being organised to destroy and loot.
Conspiracies and Campaign of Calumny
Of course apologists of the ruling party went to town with my letter, accusing me (falsely though) of setting up the South West for destruction. They reasoned that once no single State from the South East was mentioned, then there would be no protest in that region and indeed, all other areas not mentioned. They began to circulate this falsehood in all their WhatsApp and social media platforms, purely for the purpose of raising ethnic bias, and to get the people of the South West to back out of the protest.
When we look back into the history of Nigeria, we would see that the struggle for Nigeria’s independence was coordinated from Lagos and the South West, so, too most students union struggles like the Ali Must Go, Anti-SAP protests, anti-military protests, June 12 protests and Occupy Nigeria protest. The Yorubas in particular, have a rich history of determined resistance against all forms of injustice and oppression, and they don’t discriminate in this regard, even if it is against one of their own. So, you see a Wole Soyinka opposing an Olusegun Obasanjo from being appointed as United Nations Secretary-General; you would see a Gani Fawehinmi as the most notable critic of an Olusegun Obasanjo President. I then began to wonder the origin of this new set of rabid and intolerant generations of government loyalists in the South West, who see any and everything only from the pristine of ethnic alliance. The focus has always been on the issues, not the person, his tribe or his faith. I was glad however, that they were all ranting on empty vessels as no reasonable person took them seriously.
On the eve of the protest on July 31, 2024, news filtered out that the Lagos State Government had obtained an order from the Court to restrict the protests to Gani Fawehinmi Park in Ojota and the Peace Park in Ketu. How will citizens in Badagry, Epe, Ikorodu and other locations travel to Ojota just to protest? I knew that the Government was baiting for trouble. Not stopping there, certain persons who claimed to be traditionalists, announced the celebration of their traditional Oro festival to coincide with the August 1 protest, and when added to the machete-wielding thugs going round the city, there would likely be some confrontation. I therefore, made a personal appeal to the protesters to streamline the plan and to limit the protest to just one day or at most, three days. Comrade Sowore was quick to reach out to me that I should amend my statement, so that it would not confuse their supporters, a request which I gladly obliged him, since my appeal was personal in the first place, and my intervention between them and the Police had been concluded.
The Protest
And the protest commenced on August 1, 2024. The turnout was massive, the spread was unprecedented and the support was overwhelming. Suffice to state it that, the Government was thoroughly rattled, especially with the outcome from the Northern part of the country. The response was then to sponsor thugs to disrupt the protests, especially in Abuja where buses were dropping anti-protest protesters at the same venue of the main protest. By afternoon of August 1, the protests had turned violent in some locations in Kano and Borno States, with recorded cases of mass looting and destruction of property. Some deaths were already recorded, and it was escalating. This surely was not the intention of the organisers of the protests (or so I was made to believe), the concomitant effect of which would mean that the protest wouldn’t last ten days.
I made a statement, commending Nigerians for their peaceful conduct, and urging the Police to observe acceptable standards in handling the protest. The protest eventually entered its Day Two on August 2, by which time, it was manifest beyond any doubt that trouble was brewing. We had cases of further looting of warehouses, confrontations between supporters of the Government and the protesters, and cases of looting of the property of private persons, such as the woman who complained bitterly that before she got back from the protest venue, her shop had been looted by her fellow protesters. I then made another personal appeal to the protesters to call off the protest and embrace dialogue with the Government, based on their charter of demands. I specifically requested that they should vacate the protest grounds so as not to give room for the violence that was brewing, as the protests had got out of control, especially in the Northern States, where some protesters were seen waving the Russian flag.
Conclusion
I have gone this length to show how I became involved in the protests, because I got to know later that the same boy, Adenola, whom I had shielded from the Police, claimed on national television that I never represented the protesters as Counsel. We used to call this “infantile radicalism” in those days in school, when young Comrades with little or no experience, work to undo themselves. The logic of the young man was that, as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, I could not be hungry enough to feel the pangs of the protesters. So, the Take It Back Movement didn’t know of my status before I was engaged? What has hunger and status got to do with the struggle? May I never go hungry, in order to fight for the people. Obafemi Awolowo, Gani Fawehinmi, Alfred Rewane, Beko Ransome-Kuti, Chima Ubani, Balarabe Musa etc, were not poor by any standard. And, even Comrade Sowore himself cannot be classified as a poor man! Will a poor man have the resources to send letters from Lagos to Abuja, or arrange flights to lead Adenola to meet with the Police? Talk about ignorance.
In order to avoid any issue of conflictof interests, I had declined all media invitations to speak on the protesters. So, I take it that Adenola’s appearance was more of a set up by the media, to provoke my response. I mean if I knew that poverty was the basis of legal representation, I would gladly have declined the instructions, while still supporting their protests in my own way. I verily hope that some useful lessons have been learnt by the organisers of the protests, one of which is the need to reach out to and network with people with experience in prosecuting mass struggles. A Lone Ranger cannot successfully combat the forces of oppression, against the masses.
Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN, Human Rights Lawyer, Lagos
Nationwide Protest: A Warning to Nigeria’s Kleptomaniac Political Elites
Inibehe Effiong
The mass civic action that greeted the country from 1st August, 2024 with the hashtag #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria, has expanded the conversation about the role of the government and the efficacy of citizen engagement in our political process.
While the protesters, consisting mostly of young disenchanted Nigerians, demonstrated courage in the face of State- sponsored harassment, President Bola Tinubu and other political leaders failed to take advantage of the momentum to gain relative legitimacy.
Notice of the nationwide protest, was given weeks before it commenced. Yet, the national and subnational governments did not exhibit the leadership expected of them.
The point must be made, that protest is a fundamental right guaranteedby the supreme law of Nigeria. While Section 39 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) guarantees the right to freedom of expression, Section 40 guarantees the right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly. These twin constitutional rights, embody the right to protest.
APC/Buhari Regime Rubbished the Country
Since the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) came to power in 2015, the country has been bedevilled by worsening economic crisis, political instability, pervasive insecurity and endemic corruption. The eight years of the Buhari regime saw the wilful, systematic and vicious destruction of democratic institutions and disdain for the rights of Nigerians.
President Tinubu knew that his predecessor had rubbished the country, he knew that he was inheriting a Nigeria in dire need of redemption. However, many of us knew that a Tinubu Presidency, was not going to bring the much desired positive change. Tinubu is part of the oppressive political establishment, that is holding our country to ransom.
Government’s Insensitivity and/to the Protesters Demand
Given the bad state of affairs that Buhari left behind, particularly the debilitating economy inherited by Mr Tinubu, upon his assumption of office on May 29 2023, one would have thought that this President would be sensitive to the demands of protesters, and take advantage of the national agitation to assuage a deeply troubled, angry, hungry and suffering population, by addressing the demands of the protesters in a meaningful way.
The key demands of the #EndBadGovernance protesters include: reversal of economic policies that have further impoverished the country, such as fuel subsidy removal, increase in electricity tariffs, floating of the currency, etc; reduction in the cost of governance; increased budgetary allocations for health and education; electoral reform, with particular emphasis on implementation of the report of the Hon. Justice Muhammed Uwais-led Electoral Reform Committee, and compulsory electronic transmission and collation of results.
These demands are reasonable and patriotic; they are borne out of the realities that confront us today. The suggestion that the protesters are demanding things that are impossible, is neither sincere nor altruistic. If President Tinubu, the National Assembly, the 36 State Governors and the State Houses of Assembly are interested in the progress of the country and the welfare of our countrymen, addressing these demands should not be problematic.
Regrettably, the Government resorted to wild propaganda and unwarranted attacks on the protesters. The mindless killing of protesters, the use of teargas and thugs to attack and disrupt peaceful protests, arrest and detention of organisers of the protests, and the general deployment of unjustifiable force to intimidate Nigerians for expressing their frustrations with the horrible state of the country, stands condemned.
It took days before an uninspiring presidential broadcast, was delivered. Mr Tinubu’s broadcast, did not offer hope.
In the end, the youths of our country have demonstrated again, that they are capable of confronting the forces that are holding Nigeria down. This, for me, is a major achievement.
The protests should serve as a reminder to our kleptomaniac politicians, that their day of reckoning is approaching. In a democracy, power belongs to the people.
While I deprecate the violence that greeted some parts of the country, it must be stated that the government is the primary instigator of violence. The failure to secure peaceful protesters, and the attack on them by criminal elements working for the government, should be investigated. The victimisation of protesters and organisers by security agencies, must end immediately.
Inibehe Effiong, Legal Practitioner and Human Rights Activist, Lagos
The Right to Protest in Nigeria: Charting a Path from #EndBadGovernanceinNigeria to Good Governance
Dr Ayodele Akenroye
Introduction
Since August 1st, 2024, Nigeria has been facing a wave of protests under the banner of #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria. This movement, deeply rooted in Nigeria’s history of civil resistance, is more than just a reaction to specific policies – it is a challenge to the very foundations of Nigeria’s political system. Nigerians are fed up with bad governance, corruption, and the rising cost of living that has left millions struggling. The protesters, with 19 specific demands, are calling for comprehensive reform and real accountability in governance. Despite President Tinubu’s appeal on August 4th to pause the protests and open a dialogue, the demonstrations continued.
This movement is a wake-up call, for rethinking the social contract between the Nigerian Government and its citizens. As the most populous country in Africa and with the continent’s largest economy, how Nigeria manages this movement will have a big impact on its democratic future and it’s standing globally. To truly grasp the importance of the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protest and figure out the way forward, we need to look at Nigeria’s history of protests, the current situation, the laws around the right to protest, and the international guidelines for State actions. Addressing both the immediate demands of the protesters and the deeper issues within Nigerian governance, is crucial for creating a solid plan for reform.
Historical Context: The Evolution of Protest in Nigeria
Nigeria’s history of protest is a key part of its national identity, stretching from the fight against colonial rule to today’s movements. Take the 1929 Aba Women’s Riots, for example, where women stood up to British colonial powers, setting the stage for future activism. After independence, student protests tackled issues of neo-colonialism, while labour movements like the Nigeria Labour Congress fought against economic inequality. The years of military rule from 1983 to 1999 were especially tough for protesters, with brutal crackdowns under leaders like Sani Abacha. A stark example is the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight Ogoni leaders in 1995. The annulment of the June 12, 1993, Presidential election sparked a major pro-democracy movement that, despite heavy resistance, played a crucial role in Nigeria’s return to civilian rule in 1999. This strong tradition of civil resistance, continues to shape activism in Nigeria today.
Contemporary Landscape: From #EndSARS to #EndBadGovernanceinNigeria
Since Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, the right to protest has been a hotly debated issue, with several key movements shaping today’s conversations. The #OccupyNigeria movement in 2012, for example, showed the power of peaceful protests when thousands took to the streets to oppose the removal of fuel subsidies, leading to significant policy changes. In 2014, the #BringBackOurGirls campaign, sparked by the kidnapping of 276 schoolgirls from Chibok, turned into sustained protests that brought attention to broader issues of security, governance, and women’s rights in Nigeria.
The #EndSARS protests of 2020, marked a major turning point. Initially focused on disbanding the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, it quickly grew into a nationwide demand for broader governance reforms and accountability. The Government’s harsh response, especially the events at Lekki Toll Gate, drew international condemnation and sparked renewed debates about the limits of State power and the right to protest.
Building on the momentum of #EndSARS, the #EndBadGovernanceinNigeria movement has emerged as a more comprehensive critique of Nigeria’s political leadership and institutions. This movement is significant, not just for its broad demands, such as reducing the cost of governance and reinstating the oil subsidy removed last year, but also for its ability to unite Nigerians across regional, ethnic, and religious lines and its savvy use of social media and advocacy. While it might appear that the objectives of the protesters have not yet been met, they have demonstrated the collective willpower to express their grievances and hold the government accountable. President Tinubu’s response, which focused more on his administration’s achievements than directly addressing the protesters’ demands, has left many feeling that their concerns were not truly heard. The heavy-handed response from authorities, including intimidation and arrests of protest leaders, echoes past government reactions and only deepens the distrust between the people and those in power.
Legal Framework: The Gap between Theory and Practice
In theory, Nigeria’s legal framework strongly protects the right to protest, but in practice, its enforcement often falls short of international standards. The 1999 Constitution, through Sections 39 and 40, guarantees freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, in line with international human rights norms. However, these rights are not always consistently upheld, and political influences often affect their implementation.
Nigeria is a signatory to several international treaties, like the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which further commit the country to protect the right to protest. Yet, there is a clear gap between these international commitments and how they are applied domestically. For example, the Public Order Act of 1979 is still used by the Government to restrict protests, even though a 2007 Court of Appeal ruling inAll Nigeria Peoples Party v Inspector-General of Policedecided that Police permits are not required for peaceful assemblies. This misuse of legal tools reflects a broader problem, where laws meant to maintain public order are instead used to limit civil liberties.
Similarly, the Terrorism (Prevention) Act of 2011 and its 2013 amendment have been used to crack down on protesters by labelling them as terrorists, blurring the line between peaceful dissent and actual security threats. This not only undermines protest rights, but also damages the credibility of genuine anti-terrorism efforts. Although Nigerian courts have sometimes played a key role in defending the right to protest, their rulings are not always enforced, and law enforcement agencies often ignore court orders. This creates a climate of impunity, where legal protections are ineffective in practice.
In short, while Nigeria’s laws and Constitution theoretically protect the right to protest, their real-world application is hindered by selective enforcement, political interference, and the misuse of legal tools, leading to a significant gap between legal ideals and reality.
International Law Principles: Setting the Standard
To really grasp where Nigeria falls short in handling the right to protest, we need to look at the international legal principles that should guide government actions. The UN Human Rights Committee’s General Comment No. 37 highlights key points: there should be a presumption in favour of allowing peaceful assemblies; States have a duty to facilitate these gatherings, and restrictions should only be imposed under very limited circ*mstances. Blanket bans on assemblies are not allowed, spontaneous assemblies should be protected, and the right to use public spaces for protests must be upheld. The Siracusa Principles offer further guidance, stating that any restrictions on rights like freedom of assembly must be clearly defined by law, serve a legitimate purpose, be necessary in a democratic society, be proportionate, and applied without discrimination.
The Way Forward: A Roadmap for Reform
To meet the demands of the #EndBadGovernanceinNigeria movement, and ensure Nigeria’s actions align with its constitutional promises and international commitments, the Government needs to make some major changes.
First, there is a need for legislative reform. The outdated Public Order Act should be replaced with new laws that clearly protect the right to peaceful protest, and anti-terrorism laws must be adjusted to prevent their misuse against peaceful demonstrators. A new Protest Rights Protection Act could help by codifying the right to peaceful protest, and setting up clear accountability measures.
Second, Police reform is crucial. Crowd control tactics should focus on de-escalation and keeping protesters safe. All law enforcement personnel should receive mandatory human rights training, and there should be investments in non-lethal crowd control equipment and community policing efforts.
Third, accountability mechanisms are a must. An independent civilian oversight body should be set up to investigate and prosecute cases of excessive force against protesters. It is also important to ensure transparent investigations into all allegations of Police brutality during protests, and to create a compensation fund for victims of protest-related violence.
Fourth, dialogue and engagement should be prioritised. Designating protest liaison officers to facilitate communication between protesters and law enforcement can help, as can establishing regular forums for dialogue between government officials, law enforcement, and civil society groups. Developing an early warning system to identify and address potential sources of protest before they escalate, is also key.
Fifth, addressing root causes is fundamental. Implementing strong anti-corruption measures, enacting economic reforms to reduce inequality, improving living standards, strengthening the electoral system to ensure fair elections, and investing in education and skills development, especially for youth, are all essential steps.
Finally, public education is vital. Nationwide campaigns should be launched to educate citizens about their rights and responsibilities when protesting. Civic education, including the right to protest, should be included in school curricula, and community-level workshops on peaceful protest techniques and cooperation between citizens and Police should be conducted.
Conclusion: From “End Bad Governance” to Good Governance
The #EndBadGovernanceinNigeria movement represents both a challenge and an opportunity for Nigeria. It highlights the resilience and democratic spirit of the Nigerian people, while showing just how much work remains to create a truly responsive and accountable government.
The right to protest is not a threat to democracy but its lifeblood. By embracing and protecting this fundamental freedom, Nigeria can strengthen its democratic institutions, and move towards a more just and equitable society. How the Government responds to this movement, will be crucial for the future of Nigerian democracy. Will officials engage with the protesters’ demands, or resort to repressive measures?
Moving forward requires courage, commitment, and a readiness to embrace change. It calls for everyone – government officials, law enforcement, civil society, and citizens – to come together and ensure that the right to protest is not just a legal formality, but a respected practice. Only then can Nigeria truly emerge as a leader in African democracy, and honour the sacrifices of those who fought for its freedom.
As we face this pivotal moment, we should remember Chinua Achebe’s words: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.” The #EndBadGovernanceinNigeria movement, challenges leaders to rise up and tackle the deep-rooted issues in Nigerian governance.
The world is watching, and history will judge. The time for real reform is now. Let Nigeria use this opportunity to build a more open, just, and democratic future – one where every citizen’s voice is heard and respected, and where peaceful protest is seen as a crucial tool for positive change. By doing this, Nigeria can turn the call to #EndBadGovernanceinNigeria into a reality of good governance, and set an example for the continent and the world.
Dr Ayodele Akenroye, International Criminal Law Scholar, Toronto, Canada
